Viitorul

Viitorul ("The Future") was a daily newspaper published in the Kingdom of Romania, out of Bucharest, as a central organ of the National Liberal Party (PNL). It was formed just months after peasants' revolt of March 1907, being originally linked to the more left-wing, social-minded, factions within Romanian liberalism. Its reformism openly challenged the Conservative Party; its embrace of Romanian nationalism and its promise to enact an extensive land reform made it an ally of the Poporanists, some of whom became Viitorul contributors. The journal championed the cause of unity between Romanians across political borders, being particularly interested in those of Transylvania and Austria-Hungary at large. Though its editorial staff included Jews such as Henric Streitman, the newspaper's first edition (1907–1916) often vented the antisemitic feelings of its political contributors. In cultural terms, it championed modernism, welcoming in a group of Symbolists and avant-garde writers.

While the PNL itself appeared hesitant during the early stages of World War I, Viitorul was generally supportive of the Entente Powers. Its editorial line had to be toned down by Prime Minister Ion I. C. Brătianu; the Central Powers also attempted to buy influence in the country, including by paying off some of Viitorul's journalists. The newspaper was celebratory when Romania joined the Entente in August 1916, supporting the subsequent Romanian expedition in Transylvania. This effort proved abortive, and the newspaper went down once Romania itself was overran by the Central Powers. It reemerged in November 1918, after the Entente had regained regional control, and thereafter campaigned for Romania's recognition as a co-belligerent—and for the prosecution of Romanians who had collaborated with the German Empire. The subsequent two years brought the unification with Transylvania and the consolidation of Greater Romania; though Viitorul saluted this victory of the nationalist cause, it also came to resent the emergence of regional and regionalist challenges to the PNL's monopoly on power.

During the interwar, which saw the adoption of universal male suffrage and the realization of land reform, Viitorul abandoned its leftist credentials, rallying to a more right-wing platform drafted by Vintilă Brătianu. In this new incarnation, it backed economic nationalism and hard-line anti-communism, but moderated its antisemitism to where it favored Jewish emancipation (also embarking on an extensive polemic with far-right antisemitic agitators). It reacted with alarm when the National Peasants' Party, which in 1928 became the PNL's main competitor, expressed discreet support for the deposed Crown Prince Carol, but ultimately accepted Carol's return as King of Romania. The Carlist monarchy also cooperated with the Viitorul team, making one of the newspaper's founders, Ion G. Duca, the country's prime minister in 1933. By then, the PNL was also being dragged into a conflict with the fascist Iron Guard—resulting in Duca's assassination just weeks into his office. During the next four years, Viitorul was disputed between two PNL factions: one led by Dinu Brătianu, the other by Gheorghe Tătărescu.

The newspaper approved of Carol's repression of the Iron Guard, but was reluctant about embracing the increasingly authoritarian tenets of Carlism. Though the constitution of 1938 formally banned the PNL, both it and Viitorul continued to function; the Brătianu faction managed to obtain full control of the paper in April of that year, but it and all other PNL assets were confiscated by the National Renaissance Front in December. Viitorul was only reestablished in September 1944, days after a successful anti-fascist coup, which saw the PNL returning into legality. Edited by Mihail Fărcășanu, it was increasingly confrontational toward the Romanian Communist Party, which, in the late 1940s, was steadily encroaching on multiparty democracy. The communists sabotaged its printing; it was banned by the Allied Commission in February 1945, after putting out a mysterious message which seemed to be encoded. Briefly relaunched in January 1946, it only survived to February. Pursued by the authorities, Fărcășanu escaped the country later in 1946, months before the proclamation of a communized republic.